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— They did not end the Iraq war or tackle $4-a-gallon gas.
But the Democratic-run Congress created programs this year to educate veterans and feed and house the poor. Democrats also cuts deals with a weakened GOP president to send voters some economic help.
Their election-year strategy was to exact a steep price from President Bush for letting him have his way in some fights, while teaming with Republicans — some nervous about re-election — to defy him on other fronts.
The time for bargains is all but over.
When Congress returns in September from its five-week break, a few routine chores will dominate the agenda: renewing some tax breaks and passing a bill to keep agencies on automatic pilot until there's a new president. A second economic aid bill is a possibility; more partisan wrangling over what to do about gas prices a certainty.
House Speaker Nancy Pelosi, D-Calif., called Congress' failure to bring troops home from Iraq "probably my biggest disappointment" of the year.
Bush won $162 billion in war money — without any restrictions — well into 2009; his term ends in January. He also got expanded powers for intelligence agencies to eavesdrop, without warrants, on suspected terrorists.
Still, Pelosi said, with the help of Republican defectors and fierce negotiating with Bush, "we did find some areas where, although he initially resisted, he came around."
That was true of an economic relief measure developed quickly by Pelosi, House Republican leader John A. Boehner of Ohio and Treasury Secretary Henry M. Paulson that sent rebates of $600 to $1,200 to most wage-earners. The checks are widely credited for having a positive effect on the economy.
The $168 billion in economic aid was in essence a tax cut that omitted many of Democrats' highest priorities, including jobless benefits and heating and food aid for the poor. But it did fulfill the Democrats' goal of sending checks to low-income people.
When it came time to pass Bush's war spending measure, Democrats insisted on the jobless aid, plus a $63 billion, 10-year GI Bill, more than doubling the college aid for troops and veterans.
"It was a classic strategy of giving the president things he doesn't want in bills he has to have," said George C. Edwards III, a Texas A & M University political scientist.
Bush also strongly resisted Democrats' foreclosure rescue plan, calling it a burdensome bailout. But with foreclosures soaring and markets terrified about the financial health of the big mortgage companies Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac, he relented in exchange for the power to rescue them and tighten oversight.
The resulting compromise is projected to help 400,000 homeowners avoid foreclosures beginning on Oct. 1. In the bargain, Bush had to swallow some $4 billion in grants for devastated neighborhoods and a new affordable housing fund financed by the companies, which Democrats long had sought.
"We were able to get some things done," Pelosi said.
Bush showed that even an unpopular, lame-duck president still has sway on national security issues, plus the negotiating leverage that comes with the power to veto legislation.
"In the eighth year of the presidency and in this environment, Bush's veto was pretty strong," said Candi Wolff, his former top legislative aide.
But this year, more than in the past, his accomplishments came with heavy measures of concessions.
"He had to compromise, and he had to do it in two ways: either they negotiated out a compromise or he was pushed into a compromise politically because of where the votes were," Wolff said.
The prospect of losing veto showdowns with Bush limited the Democrats' ability to win as much domestic spending as they wanted and stopped them from restricting his ability to wage war or spy on suspected terrorists.
Partisan gridlock over energy blocked any relief on gas prices. Renewing Bush's No Child Left Behind education law fell victim to disputes over money and flexibility.
Bush's veto fell flat in a couple of instances when Republicans in Congress instead sided with Democrats.
An election-year farm bill featuring a $10 billion boost in nutrition programs such as food stamps was enacted over the president's veto.
More surprising to the White House, many Republicans also sided with Democrats on protecting doctors from Medicare fee cuts by instead reducing spending on private health plans that serve the elderly and disabled. They abandoned Bush and joined Democrats to override his veto of that.
"Who would be afraid of him?" Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid, D-Nev.
Democrats, however, did join with Bush this summer on one of his initiatives. He wanted to double U.S. aid for fighting AIDS in Africa and other poor countries. Democrats instead tripled it, to $48 billion over five years. Bush went along.
They also forged a deal on a top Democratic goal, new rules to ban lead in toys.
"The president doesn't get involved much with what goes on around here," Reid said. "Once he does, we're able to accomplish a lot."
For now, Bush is not even going near the idea of another economic aid package. "Talking about a second stimulus package right now is premature," said Dana Perino, the White House press secretary.
Democrats plan to advance a bill this fall that could include more public works spending, doubling home heating and air-conditioning subsides for the poor, increasing food stamps, and providing more aid to states.
Lawmakers left for their summer vacation stalemated over energy, particularly on Republicans' desire to open the Atlantic and Pacific coasts to oil drilling. It is certain to crop up again — probably repeatedly — when they return.
They also are expected to pass a measure that has become an annual fixture to prevent millions of families from being hit with the Alternative Minimum Tax, at an average cost of $2,000 to $2,500.
Congress is under pressure, too, to extend expiring tax breaks mainly to solar, wind, other renewable energy developers, but also for teachers and families.
Before they scatter for the elections, lawmakers also have to cut a deal to keep the government running — probably into 2009. Republicans have pledged to make their stand on offshore drilling there, but they have little appetite for being blamed for a government shutdown. So some sort of compromise is all but assured.
The "fights that await our return won't be easy," Reid said Friday. "We'll fight if we must, but we'd much rather dance."
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EDITOR'S NOTE — Julie Hirschfeld Davis covers Congress for The Associated Press.
