Iraq's top Shiite cleric has expressed concern about the country's security pact with the United States, fearing it gives too much power to the Americans and does not protect Iraqi sovereignty, an official at his office said Saturday.
Grand Ayatollah Ali al-Sistani's comments fell short of outright rejection but will put pressure on Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki's Shiite-led government to sell the deal to the public before Iraqi voters render a final decision in a referendum to be held by July 30.
The pact also has to be ratified by Iraq's three-man presidential council before it comes into force.
Al-Sistani, who wields tremendous influence among Iraq's majority Shiites, had indicated that he would not object to the pact if it was passed by a comfortable majority in parliament.
Parliament approved the agreement Thursday in a session attended by just under 200 of the legislature's 275 lawmakers. Of those in attendance, about 150 voted for the pact, which would allow American forces to remain in Iraq for three more years.
The official at al-Sistani's office said the Iranian-born cleric did not believe there was a national consensus in favor of the pact and that this "may lead to instability in the country."
The official added that al-Sistani considered parts of the agreement vague, particularly those pertaining to legal jurisdiction over U.S. troops and controls over the exit and entry into Iraq of American forces.
The agreement was backed by the government's Shiite, Kurdish and Sunni Arab blocs, but was opposed by the 30 lawmakers loyal to anti-American Shiite leader Muqtada al-Sadr as well as smaller groups.
A deadly rocket attack on the U.S.-protected Green Zone early Saturday bore the hallmarks of Shiite militiamen loyal to al-Sadr and may also have been linked to the security deal.
The rocket struck near a U.N. compound, killing two foreigners and wounding 15 people.
Al-Sistani also believed the pact did not offer sufficient guarantees to restore Iraq's full sovereignty or protect its assets, according to the official, who spoke from the cleric's office in the holy city of Najaf south of Baghdad on condition of anonymity because of the subject's sensitivity.
He also thought al-Maliki's government was not strong enough to withstand "American pressure" when implementing the agreement. Al-Sistani, the official said, will leave "the acceptance or rejection of the agreement to the Iraqi people through the referendum."
The agreement gives a clear timeline for a U.S. withdrawal from Iraq, from the cities by June 30 and the entire country by Jan. 1, 2012. It gives Iraq strict oversight over their movements and operations as well as limited jurisdiction in the case of serious crimes committed by U.S. soldiers and civilian Pentagon employees when off-base and off-duty.
If the agreement is rejected by voters, Iraq's government would either have to re-negotiate it with the Americans or drop it altogether. Putting the agreement to a vote was one of several concessions made by the government to a group of lawmakers, most of whom are Sunnis, in exchange for their support for the pact.
Al-Sistani doesn't speak to reporters or give media interviews and communicates his views through edicts or leaks to the media by officials at his office.
He could have buried the agreement had he publicly spoken against it before Thursday's parliamentary vote. But the comments attributed to him Saturday clearly show he was unhappy about the margin of support it had won in the vote.
His comments are likely to be welcomed by the Sunnis who had campaigned hard to get the Shiites and Kurds to meet their demand to put the pact to a popular vote.
But al-Sistani's views leave al-Maliki and his Shiite allies in the awkward position of having to sell a deal that doesn't enjoy al-Sistani's full backing.
Saturday's rocket attack in the Green Zone occurred as al-Sadr's followers hoisted black flags on houses, mosques and Sadrist offices in their Baghdad stronghold to protest the U.S.-Iraqi pact.
Tech. Sgt. Chris Stagner, a U.S. military spokesman, said American explosives experts determined Iranian-made rockets were used in the Green Zone attack as well as another late Friday that targeted Camp Victory, the main military headquarters on Baghdad's western outskirts. That attack caused only minor damage, he said.
The U.S. military accuses Iran of providing weapons, funding and training to Shiite militants who attack U.S. forces in Iraq. Iran has consistently denied the charge.
The attack on the U.N. compound was the first in more than a month against the Green Zone — a sprawling central Baghdad area that also houses the U.S. Embassy and the Iraqi government offices.
Rocket and mortar strikes against the U.S.-protected Green Zone have been common throughout the war but tapered off after al-Sadr declared a cease-fire, ending weeks of fighting between the Mahdi Army militia and U.S. and Iraqi troops in the spring.
The U.N. did not give names and nationalities of the dead pending notification of relatives. But the U.N. said no Iraqi or international U.N. staff members were among the casualties. The dead worked for a catering company, the U.N. said.
So let me see if I understand this. In the interest of Iraq they want us to stay until 2011. Okay got that. It makes sense looking at it through the eyes of the Iraqis. However, with a reduced number of U.S. forces in Iraq until 2011, we will be putting our troops in harms way. Why should we be on Iraq's time schedule? It is the responsibility of the Iraqi government to now provide an environment of security to ensure a strong economy and foreign investment. They can not on one hand talk about ridding Iraq of a US presence and then want us to stay on the other hand. Now is time for them to make up their mind.
The fact that the US will be restricted by Iraqi oversight complicates the situation even more. Iraqi oversight in my opinion is a work around to having our forces fall under a foreign authority. This should never be the case.
SF
Ken
Ken,
With respect, it seems to me a bit disingenuous to expect the Iraqis to speak with a common voice, not expressing any contradiction of desire, given that their opposing factions mirror what is going on in our own domestic politics. President Bush has not dealt with this situation in a transparent manner, nor has he negotiated within the bounds of the US Constitution (ie calling for Senate ratification of this treaty, or asking the full Congress to authorize the bounds of its terms). House Foreign Affairs Chairman Bill Delahunt sent this letter indicating the sentiments of those in Congress charged with oversight in the matter.
While the President negotiated this pact withouth the consent of Congress, and against their objections, I would argue that we should look to sort out our own house in terms of coming to political consensus before we start insisting the Iraqis figure out what they want in unequivical terms. For a start, we should demand transparency. The Iraq-US Security agreement remains secret and has not been released to the American public, in spite of the fact that the agreement has been released on the Iraq government website. A translation from the Arabic of the secret "Security Pact" (actually referred to as a "Withdrawal Agreement" in the text) is available in full here>>
The Senate should open debate the ratification of this treaty, as is stipulated in the Constitution. The implications of power sharing, troop levels, etc. must come be openly debated before Congress.
Chuck,
There is just as much to blame against our own government for allowing our forces to be a pawn with regards to Iraq, yes we need to get our own house in order. Where the rub occurs for me is that our military forces in Iraq are being used back and forth in both U.S. domestic jockeying for power, i.e. past general election, and within Iraq. This is not what our military is designed for. An environment of uncertainty of our troops leads to many bad choices being made in carrying out their given mission.
It is not a matter of being disingenous. We have to understand that it is not our responsibility to decide how the Iraqi's care for the Iraqi's. While they try to come to a solution to their advantage (which is understandable) our forces should not be caught in the middle.
Kosovo 1999 is a case in point where Marines were given one set of rules to operate with while politically a different set of rules was being followed while agreements were being made. In the meantime the Marines (I was there) had to walk carefully in how we operated. We never knew what set of rules were being followed from day to day.
I agree that
we can't expect the Iraqis to speak with a common voice, not expressing any contradiction of desire
since our own government can not do this. There is a difference however when it involves our own government versus a foreign government. The US military should not be left in a state of indecisiveness based on Iraqi governmental decisioins.
SF
Ken
I agree with your last comment, Ken. We should certainly defend our priorities, especially the well-being of the members of the Armed forces in Iraq, in negotiating this "Security Pact".
My problem is the difficulty in debating this very issue due to the fact that the Bush administration has pushed this discussion out of public view by refusing to make the treaty public record. The Congress and the public should be brought in so that concerns such as yours could be addressed as part of the open debate that is Constitutionally required. Although I feel it is a cause for optimism that we are discussing withdrawal dates, the issues you raise and others illustrate the importance of Congressional oversight, and ultimately Senate ratification.
Chuck,
Agreed. I don't think we had a real disagreement from the beginning.
SF
Ken
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